Pak China Relations In Urdu Pdf 14
Complicating efforts at assessing the impact of U.S.-China competition is a perception among Pakistani foreign policy experts that the current political situation in the United States is currently undergoing significant transition. Many elites advocate for a wait-and-see attitude, arguing that alarmist American rhetoric on China has been driven by domestic political considerations ahead of the November election, rather than a clear indication of U.S. policy going forward. This logic suggests Pakistani policymakers should adopt a cautious approach in managing bilateral relations with both strategically vital countries, and not be swayed into picking sides.8Interview with former Pakistani Ambassador to Japan, Toquir Hossain, July 30, 2020. Indeed, this strategy seems to be the one Pakistani officials have pursued at this early and uncertain stage when heightened tensions coexist with ongoing attempts to reach a workable trade deal between the two economic giants.9Interview with University of Karachi Professor, Moonis Ahmar, August 4, 2020.
pak china relations in urdu pdf 14
Bilateral relations have evolved from China's initial policy of neutrality to an extensive partnership driven primarily by Pakistan's strategic importance. The two countries formally resolved all of their boundary disputes with the Sino-Pakistani Agreement of 1963, and Chinese military assistance to Pakistan began in 1966; a strategic alliance was formed in 1972, and economic cooperation had begun in earnest by 1979. Consequently, China has become Pakistan's largest supplier of armaments and third-largest trading partner overall. More recently, China has moved forward with an agreement to cooperate in improving the Pakistani civil nuclear power sector.
Maintaining close relations with China is also a central part of Pakistan's foreign policy. In 1986, Pakistani president Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq visited China to improve diplomatic relations, and Pakistan was one of only two countries (alongside Cuba) to offer crucial support to China in the aftermath of the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests and massacre. On the military front, the People's Liberation Army and the Pakistan Armed Forces share a notably close relationship; China has supported Pakistan's position on the Kashmir conflict, while Pakistan has supported China's position on the Xinjiang controversy, the Tibetan sovereignty debate, and the political status of Taiwan. Military cooperation between the two sides has continued to increase significantly, with joint projects producing armaments ranging from fighter jets to guided missile frigates.
Pakistan has a long and strong relationship with China. The long-standing ties between the two countries have been mutually beneficial. A close identity of views and mutual interests remain the centre-point of bilateral ties. Since the 1962 Sino-Indian War, Pakistan has supported China on most issues of importance to the latter, especially those related to Taiwan, Xinjiang, and Tibet and other sensitive issues such as human rights.
The Chinese communists defeated the Nationalists in the Chinese Civil War. On 1 October 1949, Mao Zedong announced the founding of the People's Republic of China. Pakistan recognized the new Chinese government on 4 January 1950, becoming the first Muslim country to do so. Diplomatic relations between Pakistan and China were established on 21 May 1951. While initially ambivalent towards the idea of a Communist country on its borders, Pakistan hoped that China would serve as a counterweight to Indian influence. India had recognised China a year before, and Indian Prime Minister Nehru also hoped for closer relations with the Chinese. In 1956, Pakistani Prime Minister Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy and Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai signing the Treaty of Friendship Between China and Pakistan, marking closer bilateral ties. Zhou Enlai was statesman who established relations with Pakistan. From there, the relations between the two countries moved from strength to strength.
Geo-political considerations drew China and Pakistan close at a time when Pakistan was a member of two explicitly anti-communist alliances, CENTO and SEATO. Since then, the informal alliance that initially began as mutual opposition towards India has grown into a lasting relationship that has benefited both nations on the diplomatic, economic and military frontiers. Along with diplomatic support, Pakistan served as a conduit for China to open up to the West. China has in turn provided extensive economic aid and political support to Pakistan.
Since the two sides established their "all-weather diplomatic relations", there have been frequent exchanges between the two countries' leadership and peoples. For example, former Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai received warm welcomes in all of his four visits to Pakistan. When Zhou died in 1976, then-Pakistani Ambassador to China rushed to the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs at 8 in the morning without appointment. Upon arriving at the ministry, the ambassador cried due to his grief in front of Chinese diplomats. In 2004, a road in Pakistani capital Islamabad leading to the Diplomatic Enclave was named "Zhou Enlai Road". It is the first road in Pakistan that is named after foreign leaders. On 27 May 1976, then Chinese Communist Party chairman Mao Zedong, aged 83, received his last foreign guest Pakistani president Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto despite his critical illness, 105 days before his death.
With the U.S.-led War in Afghanistan, there is a general sentiment in Pakistan to adopt a foreign policy which favours China over the United States. Washington has been accused deserting Pakistan in favour of a policy that favours stronger relations with India, while Pakistan sees China as a more reliable ally over the long term.
There are strong military ties between China and Pakistan. This alliance between two neighbouring East-South Asian nations is significant geopolitically. The strong military ties primarily aim to counter regional Indian and American influence, and was also to repel Soviet influence in the area. In recent years this relationship has strengthened through ongoing military projects and agreements between Pakistan and China.
In 2008, Pakistan had purchased military equipment from China for an improved quality of defence arsenal and force to fight the constant attack from foreign militants. This relationship still continues nine years later when Pakistan Army imported Chinese-built Low to Medium Altitude Air Defence System (LOMADS) LY-80 for its air defence system.
Economic trade between Pakistan and China has been recently increasing, and a free trade agreement has been signed. Military and technological transactions continue to dominate the economic relationship between the two nations, and China has pledged to increase their investment in Pakistan's economy and infrastructure. As in seventy years the People's Republic of China moved to the center of the world stage, became the world's largest economy (by purchasing power parity rating) in 2014, it has also helped Pakistan by bringing in more of its expertise and investment. The Chinese economic boom has not only helped Pakistan in a way but also ushered new era of development in the country especially after signing of multi-billion CPEC agreement.
Pakistan and China have long praised the close ties the two countries have with each other. Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf referred to China as Pakistan's "time-tested and all-weather friend", while in return Chinese leader Hu Jintao has referred to Pakistan as "a good friend and partner". Some observers have noted these statements as occurring after Pakistani relations with the United States or India have become strained, such as after Osama Bin Laden was killed by American forces without Pakistan's prior permission.
The author of The China-Pakistan Axis: Asia's New Geopolitics concludes the book by connecting the bilateral relationship to broader themes in Chinese foreign policy. According to the author, on the one hand, Pakistan is both a Chinese pawn (against India) and platform for power projection, but there are limits to this approach. For instance, as Small notes, "Beijing's counterterrorism strategy has been essentially parasitic on the United States being a more important target for transnational militant groups than China. It's unclear how long that can last."
General Syed Asim Munir, Chief of Army Staff (COAS) is on an official visit to KSA and UAE from 4th to 10th January. COAS will be meeting the senior leadership of both brotherly countries to discuss matters of mutual interest, military to military cooperation and bilateral relations focusing on security related subjects.
The problem, Haqqani said, is that the various aspects of Pakistan's relationship with China are intertwined. While European politicians can strike an investment deal with China while simultaneously criticizing its human rights record, Pakistan has a "one window operation."
Experts say there is reluctance within the government and the military about the relationship, but that contrasts with both countries' official statements. Last year the governments announced an additional $11 billion in infrastructure projects, and the countries routinely talk up the partnership.
Meanwhile Pakistan's relations with the West continue to unravel. With the U.S. winding down its military presence in Afghanistan, Islamabad's importance to Washington has diminished. Pakistan was not a party to the Muslim countries who recognized Israel last year, despite Washington's efforts.
It was obvious that the two leading parties were alternating public support when Sharif and the Muslim League were reinstated as the Prime Minister and majority party respectively. The Muslim League used its parliamentary majority to enact a fundamental change in the political system with the introduction of amendments thirteen in the constitution. The thirteenth amendment limited the power of the president to that of a nominal head of state, while restoring the parliament as the central governmental power. This amendment basically created a check and balance procedure to article eight, in an attempt to maintain political stability. By 1999 the eighth amendment was stripped of the constraints that empowered the president to dissolve the National Assembly or dismiss the prime minister. These legislative feats were impressive, but overall the Muslim League's performance was mixed. They inherited a lot of obstacles, an economy that was on the verge of collapse and a political culture of corruption. The May 1998 decision to conduct nuclear tests in response to India's nuclear tests resulted in the imposition of sanctions that stifled the economy even more so. Bhutto's corrupt usage of foreign funds and the freezing of foreign investments further complicated investment relations. 350c69d7ab